*Agha Ekrar Haroon is President of Tri-Region Initiative. He is a former Consultant with the Ministry of Tourism of Pakistan and a past President of the Ecotourism Society of Pakistan.

By Lindsay Milich

Culinary tourism represents a rapidly growing field that is increasingly being incorporated into tourism strategies worldwide (ICTA, 2011). New global trends in tourism also indicate a desire for personalized experiences and authenticity (Jahn & Thomson, 2009, p. 142). Savvy destinations have responded to these trends by emphasizing activities and products that are central to the local culture and lifestyle, such as the cuisine. The benefits of promoting culinary traditions in this way are numerous. Some such benefits include the preservation of important traditions that may otherwise have disappeared, and the provision of an avenue for travelers to gain an in-depth and unique understanding of their host culture.

While culinary tourism can be described in a variety of contexts, the International Culinary Tourism Association provides a general definition of the activity as “the pursuit of unique and memorable culinary experiences” (ICTA, 2011). So whether you consider yourself a true “foodie” or not, chances are that you have at some point found yourself seeking an interesting and authentic culinary experience during your travels, either at home or abroad. I myself am a self proclaimed food and wine enthusiast, greatly excited by the prospect of exploring a culture through its food. So it came as no surprise that while on a recent trip to Santorini, Greece, an investigation of the vibrant local food scene quickly became a focal point of the trip. Around every corner I was repeatedly rewarded with outstanding and memorable culinary experiences.

Tourism has had an indelible impact on the economy and lifestyle of Santorini, especially in the time since the island was devastated by an earthquake in 1956 (Miller et al., 2010). Famous for its blue-domed churches and picturesque sunsets, Santorini is one of the most popular destinations in the Mediterranean. Thousands of island hopping travelers and cruise ship “daytrippers” traverse the 12 mile long island every year. These visitors contribute significantly to the local economy, especially during the summer months when the population nearly doubles. However, this annual influx of visitors is not without some negative implications. From a local perspective, tourism can also be seen as a bane to residents, and a strain on the local environment’s limited resources (Könemann, 2004). Visitors to Santorini are typically concentrated in the port of Athinios, where the ferry and cruise ships arrive/depart, the central district of Fira, and the famously picturesque town of Oia in the northern tip of the island.

Oia, Santorini

During my experience in Oia I found that the town still maintains its traditional beauty and charm, though the masses of tourists are surely creating a strain on the local environment. Thus, while tourism here is associated with both positive and negative repercussions, one can see that the local economy depends – and thrives even – on this sector. This presents a tricky balance, where tourism exists as a lucrative sector, as well as a threat to the local environment and traditional culture. In Santorini the responsibility of maintaining this balance lies with all stakeholders – local authorities and policy makers, local communities, and of course the traveler.

The ways in which one can travel responsibly are numerous. The demand for authentic local travel experiences has led to a flow of ideas and creativity on the subject of “going local.” One way of doing this is through culinary travel. Of course, the benefits of culinary tourism are not inherent in a name, but in practice. A culinary tourist can leave a positive or negative impact depending on the way they conduct themselves, the way they view their surroundings, and the choices they make during their travels. However, the responsible culinary tourist can enjoy a unique channel for deep exploration and understanding of a destination and its people.

Culinary traditions in Santorini

While every place has some form of cuisine that can be explored, there are places where the cuisine is so exceptional, exciting, accessible, and culturally rooted, that it can become a focal point of travel and a primary attraction for the culinary tourist. Santorini is one such place, where the great local food and existing culinary customs can be viewed as a real asset.

The people of Santorini have smartly taken note of foreign interest in their local products, and nearly every menu in Oia features local specialties such as tomato fritters, sautéed wild greens, fava bean puree, grilled octopus, and some form of local white wine -usually of the prominent Assyrtico variety. Other specialties and noteworthy local products that can be found around the island include capers, sweet sun-dried tomatoes, white eggplant, local cheeses, and a special sweet made from almonds soaked in honey (koufeto). Local bakeries and cafes boast cases teeming with inviting pastries – both sweet and savory – such as vegetable pies enveloped in filo dough, spice cakes, and custard filled pastries. A tart called melitinia is available at Easter time, and is unique to the island; molded into a star shape, it is filled with myzithra cheese and flavored with spices, orange, and mastic (Santorini Info, 2011).

The fisherman’s catch

In Santorini and elsewhere in the Cyclades, small scale fishing has traditionally represented the lifeblood of the community. In every seaside village or taverna the local ‘fisherman’s culture’ is palpable; small wooden boats bob just offshore, and fishermen congregate in the afternoon sun passing the time.

Seafood supplies here are proving increasingly scarce however, as high tourism demands in the summer months often exceed the level of fish that can be sustainably harvested from local waters (Könemann, 2004). Large commercial fishing operations, no doubt encouraged by touristic demand, create serious competition for local fisherman. These large fleets often encroach on waters traditionally fished by individuals and small communities, lessening the fisherman’s daily catch and threatening the long term sustainability of this lifestyle (Könemann, 2004).

Thirasia port

On an afternoon excursion to the island of Thirasia, which has been far less touched by tourism than nearby Santorini, I was given an opportunity to support the local fishing community by dining at one of the numerous seaside tavernas that line the shore. Divided from mainland Santorini by volcanic activity around 200 BC, Thirasia now appears as a separate island. These restaurants survive on income generated from the tourists who arrive daily as part of a popular boat tour which includes stops at Nea Kameni (the most recent formation of the volcano, Nea Kameni protrudes from the caldera as a small islet and still spews lava occasionally), a swimming area with natural hot springs, and Thirasia. In Thirasia, a small fishing village with less than 200 residents, visitors can take a donkey ride up the 250 steps leading to the village, or just sit in a taverna by the sea for a couple of hours enjoying delicious local fare and fresh seafood.

Cadouni Taverna, Thirasia

It is here, in a casual open-air taverna, that I had one of the most memorable experiences of my trip: sitting at a table just inches away from the sea, I ordered a glass of ouzo and the octopus souvlaki (my choice was easy – upon passing through the restaurant I was enticed by a meaty skewer of fresh octopus smoking on the open grill). The meal was unpretentious in portion and appearance, but was indescribably fresh and savory – the best I’ve ever had. The experience was made all the better by the quintessentially Cycladic setting: warm sunshine, Aegean breeze, and fishermen quietly taking their small colorful boats out to sea. Munching on my perfectly tender octopus, dressing each bite by swirling it in a dish of regional olive oil, I considered my gratitude to the resident fishermen and local cooks for this unique experience.

Santorini’s unique terroir yields rich flavors

Back in Oia, I enjoyed the fruits of Santorini’s volcanic soil, which is rich in nutrients and agriculturally significant for its ability to retain moisture in an arid environment. This porous volcanic rock absorbs water from the sea, as well as from whatever bit of rain happens to fall during the autumn and winter months, and distributes it gradually to the island’s plants and vines. Cultivation in Santorini sets it apart from most other islands in the Cyclades, where the dry climate, rocky soil, and strong Aegean winds limit agricultural production (Könemann, 2004).

Along the main pedestrian walkway of Oia, Nikolaou Nomikou, men and women can be found selling home prepared jars of local products such as sun dried tomatoes, capers, preserved grape leaves, and honey-soaked almonds. When in season, vendors market their prickly pears by offering passersby a sweet sample of the fruit. The prickly pear was introduced to the islands by Spanish sailors around 1600, and has remained for its ability to grow in the dry environment of the Cyclades (Könemann, 2004).

Nikolaou Nomikou, Main walkway in Oia

In the markets near the bus stop, shop owners hand out samples of sesame coated almonds and locally grown pistachios. Inside these shops one can find more local products, packaged to take home amidst shelves of souvenirs, as well as a selection of local wines. In one shop, I inquired as to the best of the selection on display, and was directed to try a white wine from Domaine Sigalas which, I was pleased to find out, was ‘just down the hill’. The next day I hopped in a taxi and traveled a few kilometers to this small winery which is internationally recognized for its wines, made from regional grapes such as Assyrtico, Aidani, Athiri, Mandilaria and Mavrotragano.

Santorini is unique in the Cycladic region for its ability to produce wine. With the exception of Paros, other islands in this cluster are characterized by soil inadequate for extensive grape growing. Viticulture in Santorini dates back three thousand years continuously (Domaine Sigalas, 2011), and would have extended even further had it not been for the massive eruption in 1600 BC which devastated the island and pre-existing agriculture (Könemann, 2004).

Santorini is best known for its white wines, and indeed these varieties are most prevalent. White wine grapes account for 80% of the region’s vineyards. However, my personal favorite was the Mavrotragano, a dry, robust red. This grape, indigenous to the island, has come close to extinction, leading some local wineries to make a concerted effort to revive the species (Domaine Sigalas, 2011). The sweet dessert wines of Santorini are also delicious; they are unfortified, and made from grapes that have been set out in the sun for several days. This process allows the sugars and flavors of the grape to become deeply concentrated. All of the wines I tasted evoked a strong sense of the local terroir. I was happy to later discover that several of the wines I sampled at Sigalas would be available upon my return home through a local distributor. However, I’m sure that no matter how vivid my recollection, I could not replicate the exact experience of tasting these wines at the source of their production.

Domaine Sigalas

Discovering local treasures

Though there are numerous culinary excursions that one can plan when on Santorini, some of the most memorable moments are to be had when you allow yourself to just sit back and take in the pleasant serendipity of the island. One evening, my travel companions and I encountered a bit of misfortune – nothing serious, just one of the inevitable inconveniences of travel, and one which left us without a room for the night. The hotel owner at Chelidonia Villas took pity on us and offered us a traditional cliff-side villa that happened to be vacant due to a last minute cancellation. A mysterious man of few words, our host’s kindness was evident through subtleties. He handed us the key to our new residence with a welcoming smile and kindly informed us that there was a bottle of Sigalas Assyrtico chilling in the fridge, which we should open immediately to “forget all about our troubles”. And for tomorrow, perhaps he would bring us a sample of his homemade wine.

A room with a view at Chelidonia Villas

The next afternoon as we sat on our porch happily gazing at the view over the caldera, our humble host arose from the white steps below with a small carafe of amber-red wine. The wine was sweet and complex, a blend made from three local varieties. We enjoyed it immensely. Knowing that we could not later order a bottle of this delicious wine online, or pick it up from a local distributor upon our return home, we sat back and enjoyed the experience, completely content in the moment. To me, this is a key component to culinary tourism – embracing memorable experiences that are truly evocative of a place and which we cannot necessarily take with us in any form other than nostalgia. These moments are unique to the destination or the trip, and the reason why we travel.

References:

Goeldner, C., & Ritchie, J. R. (2006). Tourism principles, practices, philosophies. Hoboken, NJ: John Wiley & Sons, Inc.

Konemann (2004). Culinaria Greece: Greek Specialties.Tandem Verlag GmbH.

Miller, K., Clark, M., Deliso, C., Hannigan D., Kyriakopoulos V. (2010). Greek Islands. Lonely Planet.

Domaine Sigalas (2011). Retrieved from http://sigalas-wine.com/.

Greeka (2011). Santorini Island. Retrieved from http://www.greeka.com/.

Santorini Info (2011). Local Products and Dishes. Retrieved from http://www.santorini.info/.

The International Culinary Tourism Association (2011). Retrieved from http://www.culinarytraveller.com/.

Morocco is an internationally renowned travel destination, and rightfully so, this North African country boasts year-long sun, beautiful beaches and an impressive culture. With its close proximity to Europe, a mere 14km from the coast, Morocco has become an increasingly popular location for Europeans seeking an affordable yet exotic holiday. From 1912 to 1956, the country was a French protectorate and the French influence is still visible. The current King, Mohammed VI, is encouraging further relationships with the English speaking world and its businesses. In an effort to build this connection as well as develop general tourist relations in Morocco, the government initiated a tourism strategy in 2002 called Vision 2010.  In a speech addressing the launch of the project, the King acknowledged tourism as a national priority.  The initiative was implemented to encourage relations with foreign countries but also to deal with issues of unemployment and underdevelopment around the country. The project identified many ambitious improvements to be made all over Morocco within the next decade (Locum Destination Consulting: 2002).  Tourism and hospitality are subsequently among the leading industries in Morocco today.

My research in Morocco aims to make sense of several important aspects of the relationships between foreigners and locals through the initiative of hospitality.  Along with the incredible sights and variety of landscapes- guidebooks, blogs, travel and leisure magazines all rave about the friendly and embracing nature of the Moroccan people. Yet, in those same publications are warnings of the Moroccans equally ‘cunning nature’. Many experienced visitors of Morocco will advise you on rules of haggling, such as never pay more than half of what someone initially asks. You are told to expect  being ripped off. This is especially true in the city of Marrakech, where the majority of my fieldwork took place. The Medina that marks the old city has few roads designed for cars and instead motor bikes and eager sellers flood the streets. The experience can be  overwhelming for a first time tourist in the city, but somehow Marrakech continues to hold the love of foreigners who visit. Why is this? How does the Moroccan tourism/hospitality industry engage its visitors and win their loyalty?  This essay explores these questions by looking closer into the riad's of Marrakech.

A riad is a traditional Moroccan house with an interior courtyard. These establishments are essentially boutique hotels and are most often family owned. One local guide reported that there are over 3000 riad's in Marrakech all of varying levels of luxury. On my recent trip to Marrakech I stayed at a riad centrally located within the Medina.  The house boasted 11 spacious and well decorated rooms all furnished with antiques from the owners store.  As with the other riad's we saw while in the city, ours was hidden down a nondescript alley with a simple door and a buzzer to announce our presence.  Once inside there were two open courtyards that spanned three stories, an indoor pool, and several lounges.  When we arrived on our first day in the city we were warmly greeted and brought to one of the lounges where we were asked to wait.  As we waited and admired the displays of antiques and the beautiful architecture, the receptionist prepared the traditional Moroccan tea and several sweet treats for us which we enjoyed over a thorough introduction to the city.  The receptionist gave us a map and took the time to chart out the best ways to explore the city and the easiest routes to get back.  She patiently answered all our questions, giving us helpful advice and personal recommendations.  Then she proceeded to explain the tours that were included in the rate for our room.  The first tour was a day trip exploring the Atlas Mountains, a Berber Village, and a Berber Market.  The second was a tour of the Souks within the Medina, which are essentially a maze of vendors selling goods ranging from leather to spices. Each tour was private, with only us and a guide, in order for us to have the flexibility to see what we wanted.  The importance of flexibility and comfort was a resounding theme throughout our stay.  We had planned a cooking class at another riad where some friends were staying for the following day, and the receptionist insisted it would be best to have our souk tour afterwards.  She arranged for the guide to pick us up at the other riad so we could spend the rest of the day exploring the medina for the first time in good hands, being shown all the 'best places'.  After figuring out the details of times and days the receptionist gave us a tour of the riad.  We walked through the courtyards and up the stairs to the expansive roof with a dozen sunning chaises and seating shaded by white draped canopies.  Then we were led back down to the ground floor and shown our beautiful room. Before leaving us, the receptionist told us that meals were not in any designated room.  We were too call her at the front desk at least three hours before and she could arrange dinner or lunch anywhere we wanted, either the rooftop, one of the lounges, or our room.  There was also no set menu. We were given suggestions but they would make whatever we wanted.  Breakfast required only five minutes’ notice and they were again happy to bring that to whichever venue pleased us.  The elaborate welcome, the atmosphere, and the generous and available staff, were all factors in the sense of ‘at-homeness’ experienced immediately in the riad.

In “Hospitality: A Social Lens”, O’Gorman explores the origins of hospitality, focusing mainly on Greek and Roman civilizations.  O’Gorman found that hospitality began at home, and as the cities and nation-states grew so did the reaches of the expanding industry (O'Gorman: 2007: 17).  Travelers today often find themselves much farther from home than the mere distance between cities.  I for example, an American in Marrakech, was researching a continent away from my home.  In order to find a loose central meaning from which to reference, I would like to take a moment to specify the meaning of ‘home’.  Despite the numerous definitions assigned to the word ‘home’, the underlying sentiment is a sense of belonging, whether it is found in a place or people.  Successful hospitality attempts to create an atmosphere in which the guests feel comfortable and at ease, essentially manufacturing the ‘at-homeness’ feel.  Our riad was especially skilled at integrating us into our environment, the day trips and tours as well as the personal touch of the dining service worked to promote this sense of belonging.

Early in the exploration of the study, Smith (1977) defined the anthropology of tourism in terms of ‘hosts’ and ‘guests’.  More recently, however, O’Gorman has described hospitality as “friendships and alliances between persons, between communities, and between nations.”  This idea stresses the reciprocal duties of hospitality.  Brotherton similarly suggests that hospitality reflects a “contemporaneous human exchange, which is voluntarily entered into, and designed to enhance the mutual well-being of the parties” (Brotherton: 1999: 165).  To further illustrate the idea of hospitality as an exchange over a merely ‘host’ and ‘guest’ relationship, O’Gorman identifies five dimensions central to hospitality.  The dimensions include: Honorable Tradition, Fundamental to Human Existence, Stratified, Diversified, and Central to Human Endeavor.  Honorable Tradition implies that the terms ‘host’, ‘guest’, and ‘stranger’ are essentially coterminous without any important distinction.  This dimension also suggests that alliances are built on continued mutual hospitality, and by providing accommodation and/or food for someone, the provider is paying homage to the gods. Fundamental to human existence describes the idea that after the original relationships are formed, eventually the alliance expands to include descendants and then friends of the initial parties involved.  This ultimately establishes trust and loyalty. Stratified speaks to the increasingly codified provisions of the hospitality industry.  Places of hospitality are often required to meet certain criteria legally or based on the norms of society, and within the management are roles with defined responsibilities.  Diversified reflects on the idea that as the guests have become wealthier they have also become more equipped to afford a larger range of needs.  Accommodation now seeks to satisfy as many of those needs as possible, and the product of that drive is a wide spectrum of ranging budgeted choices.  Finally, Central to Human Endeavor describes the need for mutual exchange of not only goods and services but protection and alliances which are the result of hospitality.  These elements civilize societies (O'Gorman: 2007: 28-30).

The notion of belonging, although manifested in different ways, is the common theme represented in O’ Gorman’s dimensions.  Despite the role of ‘host’ ‘guest’ or ‘management’, each party is rightfully included in the alliance of hospitality.  Being a part of the alliance involves the inevitable benefit but also the inevitable debt.  This process of exchange is described by Graeber in “On the Moral Grounds of Economic Relations: A Maussian Approach.”  Graeber argues in favor of Mauss’ idea that “gifts operate out of transactional logic.”  Any complex society that involves some sort of currency is open to every social possibility.  Therefore, any complex society is capable of all possible models of exchange, but it is the dominant type of transaction that depends on the overriding cultural values and norms.  Graeber describes three types of ‘fundamentally different moral logics underlying the ‘gift.’’  First is “communism”, which operates according to a balance of needs and abilities.  The second is “exchange”, which is based on a back and forth process ultimately working for equivalence.  The third is “hierarchy”, which describes the natural relations between superiority and inferiority (Graeber: 2010).  For this essay, and in regards to Morocco, we are concerned with the second logic; “exchange”.  Exchange is essentially a game based on future expectations.  Both sides of the exchange keep count and either party can end the transaction.  The transaction is not required, instead it is dependent on a socially expected response.  Economists insist that parties work to get the most out of each deal; however anthropologists hold a different view.  They believe that when dealing with the exchange of gifts, the transfer of objects reflects the organization of a relationship and the ability of both parties to participate.  In concordance with the anthropological perspective, showing off and contests of generosity are the more likely reaction to gift giving (Graeber: 2010: 8-9).  It is rare that any society practices only one of these three fundamental types of logics, as Graeber says it is “hard to imagine a society where people were not communists with their closest friends and feudal lords when dealing with small children” (Graeber: 2010: 13).  However, for my purposes, I will be looking at Moroccan's and their relationships to visitors in the riads in terms of the dominating logic of Exchange.

As stated earlier in O'Gorman's dimensions, the idea of an alliance is central to hospitality.  Successful hospitality results in a deeper relationship than simply that of the 'host' and the 'guest'.  There are future expectations for the visitor to return, or to recommend the establishment, and more abstractly the implication of role reversal.  Role reversal does not necessarily mean the individual 'guest' becomes the 'host', but rather it speaks to the forged relationship between nationalities and the expected reciprocal treatment in the foreigners country.  In Marrakech, the role of the riad is an elaborate mechanism underlying the foundation of these relationships and alliances between visitor and local.  Riad's within the Medina are the ideal location for tourists looking for ease of access to the excitement of the city center.  They are also the tourist's best contact and source of information, which gives the riads the power to direct their guests to whichever establishments they choose.  Guidebooks and word of mouth can be influential, but the members of the riad are locals with personal recommendations and most importantly they are trusted by the visitor.  At least some basic and fundamental trust is implicit in the act of accepting accommodation and food.  Another aspect basic to this relationship is often language.  In my case, English being my only language, I relied heavily on the instructions and advice of the staff of my riad who thankfully also spoke English.  Outside the riad however, many of the people I met either spoke no English, or only fledgling English that consisted mainly of phrases like “No, no what's your final price?”

The cooking class we took was an example of the riad's influence and its ability to extend relationships between tourists and other locals.  After arriving at our friend's riad and deciding what meal we wanted to learn to cook, we were taken to a street lined with vendors selling vegetables, meat, fruit, bread, spices and anything else possibly needed to cook a Moroccan dish.  The woman who was taking us shopping and would later translate our lesson, took us to all her preferred vendors.  When asked why she chose each vendor specifically, whether it was based on price or quality, she said it was because she trusted these vendors and she knew them personally.  We were introduced and later returned to buy food at the same vendors, because by this association we trusted them too.  The tours included in our room rate are also an ideal example of the riads using this position of power to extend visitor relations with locals.  In our tour of the souks, we had a western dressed guide who wore familiar brand names such as Ray Ban and Ralph Lauren.  He picked us up from our cooking lesson and expertly navigated us through the narrow, crowded, and maze-like streets characteristic of the souks.  Each section of the souks houses different goods such as textiles and spices.  We passed vendors upon vendors each carrying identical looking products all the while our guide spouted out facts about the city.  At each section he would stop to encourage us to look at a vendor of his recommendation.  At these stops our guide would sit in the back happily laughing and talking with the sellers as we scoped out the inventory.  Although this vendor would always look the same as the other hundreds surrounding, we would peruse for a period and often end up purchasing something, trusting the quality and the sellers based on our guide and indirectly our riad's trust of the seller.  The tour of the Atlas Mountains and the Berber village ran in the same fashion.  This time our guide was locally dressed.  He took us to trusted restaurants that our 'American stomachs' could handle, and the 'best quality' berber carpet sellers.  All the while he sat and talked with his friends.  In the car and hiking up the mountain our guide would tell us about Moroccan life and the king.  He described the people of Morocco as happy people.  He made an explicit comparison to Algeria saying that despite their wealth of natural resources they are a poor country, in his opinion, because their people are unhappy.  Our guide attributed this unhappiness to the government and their lack of presence in the peoples lives.  “In Morocco”, our guide would say fondly, “our King is very active”.  He described a promise made by the government that gives money to subsidize renovations in order to improve the standard of living.  The money poured into these residences and schools are long term investments in the people for future generations.  In return, the people are expected to work and do their part to increase conditions of the country.  This notion of camaraderie so deeply ingrained in the structure of the country and the culture is contagious to visitors.  That is not to say that visitors feel indebted to all Moroccan's, it is within their alliance with the riad and the extensions of the riad that this feeling emerges.  As an equal party in the alliance, visitors are persuaded to follow the rules of exchange.  On the 'free' tours although we were not required to make purchases, there was a pull to do so when we were in the place of friends of the guide.  At the riad itself, although we could go out to eat and drink we were often inclined to stay in, not only to be in a place we felt 'at-home', but also because we wanted to express our thanks for such great accommodation by spending our money there rather than somewhere else.

In a final effort to illustrate this idea, I will employ the role of the Melanesian Big Man in a comparison.  One important element of the Big Man status is that he is not directly political, yet has sway and influence amassed by his connections and loyal following of ‘lesser men’.  This group of ‘lesser men’ as well as wives and other extensions makes up his faction, and as Sahlin says, the making of the faction is the true making of the Melanesian Big-Man.  Establishing this basis of loyalty and obligation is vital not only for creating renown, but also for weaving an intricate web of relationships ready for the Big-Man to “capitalize by finessing the relation of reciprocity appropriate” (Sahlin: 1963: 291).  In this sense, the role of the Melanesian Big Man is similar to the power behind the riad.  The riad is at the center of these webs and the core of the alliance because it gains the trust of the visitors so key to the economy of Marrakech.  As with the Melanesian Big Man, the riad is an indispensable force working towards supra-local organization.  But more than that, the riad extends this alliance to include visitors, simultaneously fueling the economy and promoting foreign relations.  Because of their cunning and economic calculation, Moroccan's acknowledge foreigners as important members of their alliances.  Despite the doubtless self interest involved, an underlying truth is still the idea of equality in the alliance and the notion that each party is capable of participation in the transaction.  The ideas of belonging and manufactured 'at-homeness' in the hospitality industry are all connected by the social mechanism of exchange which bonds the alliance and extends the relationship outside of the riad.  By engaging visitors in all aspects of life in Marrakech, the riad's are a force of social integration. 

References

Brotherton, B. Towards a definitive view of the nature of hospitality and hospitality management. International Journal of Contemporary Hospitality Management, 11(4), 165–173. 1999

Graeber, D. On the Moral Ground of Economic Relations: A Maussian Approach. Special issue of La Revue du Mauss. K. Hart (ed.), 2010.

Locum Destination Consulting. Eastern Promise: Cultural Tourism Opportunities in Morocco. London: Colliers International UK.

O'Gorman, Kevin D. Dimensions of Hospitality: Exploring Ancient and Classical Origins. Hospitality: a Social Lens. Compiled by: Conrad Lashley, Paul Lynch, and Alison J. Morrison. Amsterdam: Elsevier, 2007.

Sahlins, M. Poor Man, Rich Man, Big Man, Chief. Comparative Studies in Society and History, 1963.

Seeking the Causes of the Queensland Floods
by Professor Trevor Sofield

The floods in Queensland have been shocking. Some suburbs went under completely (up to roof height) and since they were on the same sub-station of the electricity grid, the power was shut off and remained so for a week.

The Brisbane floods were in fact a separate event from the flash flood that hit the city of Toowoomba that is located in the hills of the Great Dividing Range about 70kms west of Brisbane. The wall of water that tore through the town was described in the press as "an inland tsunami" with cars been tossed around like corks, pictures of which you have probably seen. That was caused by one of the heaviest down-pours in one of the shortest periods of time recorded in that region and was localized above the city in the catchment area of the small stream that flows through its CBD. It hit without warning and there was nothing anybody could have done about it.

The depression then moved into the Lockyer Valley west of Brisbane where it remained stationary for about five days and unleashed more rain than had ever been recorded in that area before, and this was the genesis for the floods that hit Brisbane.

Then the rains moved south and west, through NSW first, then into Victoria (there are still about 60 towns completely isolated by flood waters in Victoria) and across Bass Strait into Tasmania. At their heights the floods in all states covered the equivalent of about three quarters of Europe and crops have been devastated over a massive area.

The Brisbane situation is complex. The city is built on a flood plain (of the Brisbane River) and in 1974 they experienced the worst floods since European settlement in 1860. The City Council subsequently introduced new by-laws to prevent construction in the lowest lying areas, and in two old suburbs they offered to buy out more than 700 homes in order to demolish them and replace them with parkland. But only 16 people took up the offer before the present floods! In some suburbs the council regulations controlled construction based on the height of the 1974 flood, which is why front entrances are more than 1.5 metres above the road level.

The by-laws were also based on the construction of a flood mitigation dam in the Lockey Valley catchment area of the Brisbane River, west of the city, the Wivenhoe Dam. It was designed so that a repeat of the 1974 flood would be contained and water released at a rate that would not flood or result in only minor flooding. Its capacity was 200% - that is, based on twice the rainfall of the '74 flood: 100% of the dam (described as 'full capacity') is for urban consumption purposes; and the other half is to hold back floods.

Three problems arose related to the release of the dam waters that caused the devastation in Brisbane.

1. The 2011 rainfall in the catchment area exceeded the 1974 level in half the time by twice the volume. Not a problem in terms of dam design: with steady releases of excess water the Brisbane River could have been contained within its banks.

2. BUT the region and Brisbane in particular had just experienced a ten year drought, the city was on level six* water restrictions (*the highest: no water for gardens, no washing of cars, no washing of windows, etc). So when the rain fell and the level of the dam rose above 100% and still had 100% to go (if you get my meaning!) , the psychology of those responsible for controlling releases was to hold on to as much water as possible (about 180%). So, if there had been no flood because they had released sufficient water to prevent the flood they would have been dammed (pun intended) for wasting water!

3. And they had confidence that the 1974 deluge would not be repeated because it was a once in 1000 year event according to core samples taken from the Brisbane River in 1974 which indicated that it had been 1000 years since a similar amount of detritus had been swept into the river mud.

Because of the deluge in the catchment area the Wivenhoe Dam authorities had to release maximum volumes for 48 hours to prevent the dam from overflowing in an uncontrolled manner, and it was the amount of water released over those two days that resulted in the Brisbane River overflowing its banks into the city. At the time there was consensus that without the dam Brisbane would have been far more severely flooded so its mitigation objective was hailed a success.

'Uncontrolled mode' requires explanation. The dam has been designed with automatic pressure plates so that if the water level reaches 195% of capacity it hits three specially designed pressure plates that automatically open up a breach in a part of the dam wall that is constructed of compressed clay. As the water pours through this breach it erodes the dam wall down to about 140% capacity when it strikes a concrete base. There is no control over the breach and water will continue to overflow from the dam for as long as there is more water coming into the catchment area than the 140% capacity of the dam at the level of the concrete base.

In the event, the flow of water into the catchment area was so swift that even with maximum releases through the sluice gates the level of the dam got to within 96cm of triggering the automatic pressure plates. Had that happened the result would have been monumentally disastrous. The mathematics of calculating how much water was streaming into the catchment area and how much water they had to release to prevent the dam going into uncontrolled overflow mode was extraordinary and in the event they managed to prevent uncontrolled release. But the cost to Brisbane from their controlled release as you would have seen was more than 23,000 homes flooded. (But only one death: all of the other deaths occurred upstream of the dam with flash flooding).

The dam authorities are now copping criticism for holding on to too much water for too long and not releasing it more gradually earlier and over a longer period of time. Indeed had they done so when the water level was about 120% there probably would have been no flood of Brisbane according to University of Queensland hydrologists. And the interpretation of the 1974 core samples was flawed because it did not take into account the amount of land cleared for farming after European settlement, which makes it far easier for more detritus to be eroded into the river than could possibly have occurred under Aboriginal hunting and gathering custodianship of the land. In other words the 1974 flood was not a 1000 year event, possibly only a 115 year event!

Easy in hindsight to criticise the dam authorities for holding on too long to too much water, but after a ten year drought and the accepted wisdom of the 1974 flood as a 1000 year event it is easy to understand the reluctance to let much water go. They would have been dammed if they did, and they are being dammed because they didn't!

The Government is setting up a Royal Commission of Enquiry to examine all aspects of the floods, and it is probably a safe bet to say that one of the recommendations will be to start releasing water at a much lower level than the 180% that was reached this time. And there will be other recommendations for stronger regulations to control construction in low lying areas (our authorities are pretty strict right around Australia on things like this). But not much anyone can do about flash flooding since the modelling by the Meteorological Bureau cannot predict highly localized impacts, although on a broader scale it certainly advised that the Brisbane hinterland region was set to receive prolonged and very heavy rainfall probably equivalent to the 1974 deluge that would result in some minor flooding (but they too assumed the Wivenhoe Dam would prevent a recurrence of the Brisbane floods 36 years ago).

So, after ten long years of the worst drought on record we now have more rain than we have ever received over a huge area of Australia - and the farmers and irrigators are yelling that there is no need to control and reduce irrigation from the Murray Darling Rivers systems to save the rivers (the Government set up a Commission to do just this 2 years ago) and all the environmentalists can go jump because they are wrong about permanent damage to the ecosystem! And global warming is nonsense because we are not drying out! How short are peoples' memories when self interest is concerned ....

What has not been broached yet are issues of the environmental impacts of dams, and in this case because of the major anthropogenic modification of the hinterland and the need to provide an urban settlement of more than 1 million people (i.e. Brisbane) with water, the sort of compromises that have to be made. If a dam can save lives through flood mitigation the debate then centres on the merits of protecting the natural environment to the greatest possible extent versus the value placed on even one human life. Our national politicians are starting a debate on this with the Leader of the Opposition, (conservative right wing) calling for more dams to save lives and store water for cities and farmers, while the leader of the Greens, Bob Brown, has responded that dams for the last fifty years have proved more destructive (of the environment and specific habitats which they flood) than positive. After ten years of drought, I suspect the public mood is one which might favour more dams ....

For the first 8 years of this century, Brisbane and surrounding areas had experienced the most severe drought in 100 years. Such dramatic climate shifts, which pose difficult dillemas to policy-makers, illustrate what may be in store for us in the context of global climate change.  In the mean time, Andrew Dragun, an Australian water expert and editor of the International Journal of Water, has warned that the outlook for the next couple of months is not good; due to a strong La Nina weather pattern, heavier rains and possibly cyclones should be expected.